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The development of European welfare states in the first half of this century has often been seen as a response to the rise of class politics. This study of social policies in Britain and France between 1914 and 1945 contests this interpretation. It argues, by contrast, that early policymakers and social reformers were responding equally to a perceived crisis of family relations and gender roles. The institutions they developed continue to structure the welfare state as it exists today. This book is innovative in the range and scope of its research, its comparative focus, and its argument, which poses a challenge to older class-based interpretations of the development of the welfare state. It will be of interest to scholars of European history and politics, as well as to those interested in social policy and women's studies.
- Sales Rank: #2474791 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cambridge University Press
- Published on: 1995-08-25
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x 1.10" w x 5.98" l, 1.44 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 496 pages
Features
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"The strength of Susan Pedersen's outstanding book is that she extends and deepens the analysis of the emergence of the British welfare state, the gendering of the state, and the methodology of comparative history, in a way which has implications beyond the precise topic of the emergence of family allowances for the nature of the British state and the social history of the family. This is a book that any historian of modern Britain should read....It can only be hoped that others will now emulate Pedersen's outstanding example." M.J. Daunton, Albion
"Perdersen's book makes an excellent contribution to the history of the welfare state. With its carefully nuanced manner of posing questions and framing results, it will serve to encourage investigations of the welfare state and of political processes generally with respect to their ties to the relation between the sexes. For, in the end, Perdersen's analysis proves in an impressive way how gender history corrects, tranforms, and enriches our understanding of 'general history.'" Journal of Modern History
"This book is an excellent example of...integrative historical analysis. Perderson has tackled a complicated, complex, mess of relations--social, cultural, ideological, political--in such a way than any boundaries between them are seen to be largely imposed for the purposes of analysis by those of us looking backward." Labour
"Pedersen's work is thorough and persuasive." Times Literary Supplement
"...must reading for those interested in comparative welfare state developments, comparative developments in the field of gender and social policy, and most importantly, in comparative family policy...[a] fascinating and well documented study..." Sheila B. Kamerman
"...this book will long stand as the definitive account of social politics in the two countries during the crucial formative years of their welfare states." Sonya Michel, Contemporary Sociology
"The book attempts to establish a broad logic of interest behind the welfare state based on an extensive range of archival materials." Social Services and Human Resources
"Susan Pedersen's ambitious book illustrates the promise of work that is simultaneously historical and comparative....makes a significant contribution to analyses of the welfare state--all studies of the welfare state, not just feminist ones--by demonstrating the centrality of gender relations and families to explanations of social policy outcomes and by presenting an analysis that fully integrates gender and families with class and markets and states....I cannot but give this work my strongest endorsement. Sociologists and others working on the welfare state, family, politics, the economy, and gender all will gain from it. I hope this excellent work will inspire others to undertake historical and comparative analyses of comparable scope and depth." Ann Orloff, American Journal of Sociology
"This exhaustively researched and carefully organized study would be of use to scholars and to upper-level students of history. There is an impressive exploration of primary sources, namely archival documents. Family, Dependence, and the Origins of the Welfare State is a significant contribution to welfare-state in its explanation of how two European systems developed." Jill Miller, European Studies Journal
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2 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
A case against welfare held hostage to interest groups
By Patrick Yeung
Introduction
`The book studies the emergence of state policies toward family dependence in Britain and France in the period between 1914 and 1945, in an attempt to understand why these welfare states developed along such different lines.'
- Breadwinner logic of welfare vs. a parental one
`British welfare state developed along deeply gendered lines. Both labor and social policies were premised on a normative vision of the family in which men were presumed to be the principal family breadwinners, and dependence was considered the normal destiny of wives.' On the other hand, in Pedersen's words, `French policies came to rest on a different logic, which I will term `parental.' Parental policies do not assume that women are necessarily dependent, nor that men always have `families to keep' rather, they presume the dependence of children alone and hence redistribute income primarily across family types and not along gender lines' - making `French family benefits among the most generous and redistributive in Europe.'
- Debates and policies
`How proposals to base social entitlements on family status or gender role were articulated and received within two realms - the open realm of public and political debate and the more restricted realm of political or economic consultation.' `While debates in France succeeded in defining the aim of family policy in ways that coincided with the interests of those able to influence outcomes, the debate in Britain was captured by those with little influence over policy-making.' `In Britain, then policies toward families with dependent children were shaped largely by those groups -notably civil servants and trade unionists - seeking to protect wages and wage negotiations from `political' and state interference and resistant to the redistributive agendas articulated by feminists and socialists. In France, by contrast, the success with which social Catholics and pronatalists defined aid to families with dependent children as a patriotic measure proved a useful cover for employers eager to distribute allowances in lieu of wages.' `In France, by contrast, the very weakness of feminism and of organized men enabled employers and politicians to channel income to `the family'.'
- Motivation driven by complex identities and loyalties
`In focusing on arguments over the treatment of dependence, this book argues for a more complex definition of `interest' and a more sophisticated view of the process through which such interests are articulated and represented.' `This book will show that, under certain conditions, interests defined on generational, gender, or familial lines could indeed make themselves felt -whether through organizations (such as the pronatalist lobbies) determined to represent the interests of the child or through groups usually seen as the pure representatives of `class' (such as trade unions) but sometimes equally devoted to the privileges of their members as men.'
The Family in Question
As H.G. Wells understood, the crisis of family was perceived from the beginning as a crisis of gender relations in Britain, while in France it was specifically a crisis of cultural anxiety and denatalie. In Britain, the Education Act of 1906 (Provision of Meals) provided `school meals made the child's right to aid paramount, more important even than the father's responsibility to maintain. The introduction of school meals could thus be seen as a precedent for the disaggregation of family income and for further independent benefits for children.' `Emergence of an unsteady coalition of reformers at the interstices of the feminist and labor movements committed to increasing the entitlement of dependent mothers and children, did not push family policy development down a single track in the prewar period. Rather, a many-sided debate was matched by multiple and often-conflicting policies backed by shifting coalitions.'
`Rather it was in France, where women remained voteless in the interwar period but where trade union power was similarly restricted, that a comprehensive family policy developed.' 'A coalition of right-wing pronatalist successfully defined and captured the issue and this shaped the policies.' `Unlike Britain, then, where family policy was problematic primarily because it was linked to feminist aims to increase wives' independence and power pronatalists' success in linking family policy to a nationalist and patriarchal social vision left It relatively uncontroversial in a nation with a weak feminist movement and an exclusively male electorate throughout the interwar period.'
`In Britain, concern over children quickly became intertwined with feminist claims for economic independence and socialist visions of an expanded state. This rhetorical link between family policy and the transformative policies of feminists and socialists meant that entitlements for children were seen from the beginning as endangering the male family wage and thus the very constitution of the family.' `The needs of war, however, would endow particular economic groups - especially employers' associations in France and trade unions in Britain with new powers. These interests were not centrally concerned with children but they were concerned to protect or to disaggregate the male `family wage.' It was their preferences that would shape the policies of the postwar period.'
The Impact of the Great War
`In Britain, despite large transfers of income to women, wartime labor and social policies were designed to protect men's labor market position after the war. Women continued to be viewed as purely temporary workers, while the state adopted new responsibilities for guaranteeing men's breadwinner status by providing of their dependents during legitimate interruptions of earnings. In France, by contrast, industrialists and ministers attempted to cope with wartime inflation without harming working-class living standards by extending allowances for dependent children to large numbers of workers. Such programs effectively redistributed income from childless workers to those with children.'
`The deployment of men, then, whether for the factories or the front, was constrained in Britain by an ongoing series of negotiations with the trade unions, conducted both nationally and at the level of the individual firm. `Dilution' threatened to expose the degree to which `skill' was socially, rather than technically defined. `The fact that `the sex line of demarcation is clearly defined, unlike that between classes of men,' could thus lead craftsmen to prefer dilution by women, believing that they would be able to enforce their exclusion at the end of the war.' `This process contrasts sharply with the measures used to ensure the adequate provision of men and munitions in France.' `The fact that all men of military age were liable for service made negotiations almost irrelevant.' `The war thus strengthened both organization among employers and the ties between the latter and the government.'
`French experience reveals one fundamental difference: attitudes about women's work in France were less successfully translated into laws and agreements explicitly defining its nature, scope, and duration. Women should be organized into trade unions and on the same terms as men.' `Neither the arbitrations nor the collective bargaining agreements ratified by the Ministry of Labor during the war stipulated the postwar exclusion of any group of workers' with the exception of foreign workers' quota. `French social policy would remain concerned with the problems of reconciling motherhood with women's wage earning'.'
Part II Reworking the Family Wage in the Twenties
Family Policy as Women's Emancipation
`New feminists' focused on `problems faced by housebound mothers' and `hoped to fashion comparable state policies to compensate all mothers for their domestic labors within the home, thereby ending the economic dependence of unwaged wives on their husbands.' `Their capacity to influence the shape of policy depended on their ability to gain allies within parties organized on quite different lines, and here, as we shall see, they largely failed.'
`Endowment advocates felt that only by disaggregating the family as an economic unit - by paying all wage earners standard rates regardless of sex and entrusting mothers with additional benefits for children- would these consumption patterns begin to change and the welfare of hitherto dependent women and children be ensured. The government committees of 1918 and 1919 rejected this alternative, preferring to defend the ideal of the male family wage supplemented by pensions for unsupported mothers.' `The feminists demand for universal endowment was submerged in a prior consensus to win cash benefits only for those mothers without husbands.' `Arguments over the `endowment of motherhood' were contained within the women's organizations.'
`In contrast to the Labor's promised plans, the Conservative measure provided benefits not to unsupported mothers but to the widows of insured men, whether or not they had children, and was funded no through taxation but through contributions from those men. By linking pensions to the man's insurance status rather than to the woman's sole responsibility for children, the Conservative bill finalized the divorce between widows' pensions and women's rights.'
Sir Alfred Watson played a crucial role in transforming the radical demand for endowment into the placid widows' pensions bill. His scheme insisted `on contributory financing and the extension of benefits to women without children - did complete the metamorphosis of widows' pensions form a step toward payment for motherhood to a necessary component of a welfare system constructed around a man's right to maintain. First, the decision to finance pensions through insurance linked them both administratively and ideologically to the working man.'
Family Policy as Socialism in Our Time
In Britain, `supporters of family endowment within the ILP in the hope of convincing the Labour Party to place children's allowances on its 1929 election manifesto' successfully orchestrated the Trades Union Congress and party's Joint Committee on the Living Wage, which `was crucial for it crystallized the hostility of the TUC to this type of distributive policy, effectively preventing the Labour Party from acting on its own interest in children's allowances for a dozen years.' The findings was that `family allowances were acceptable only if they had no effect on wages whatsoever.' `The inability of allowance advocates even to get their policy on the Labour Party program left their cause without effective political backing until the Second World War. The ambivalence of the trade union movement overcame the genuine support for the policy within the Party.'
Acting upon their economic interests and bargaining clout, `unionists who knew they would have the task of defending wage rates whether Labour was in office or not were reluctant to support legislation they felt could complicate their activities after their political allies had left the scene.` `Given that family allowances would not be accepted by the Labour Party unless endorsed by the TUC. Even if they improved conditions, they would do so in ways that would marginalize trade unions as institutions and trade unionists as recipients. The treatment of Labour women's claims by the TUC revealed only that the TUC faithfully represented the interests of its constituents: (largely male) trade unionists.'
`In Britain, the lethargy of employers and the opposition of the TUC ensured that family allowances would not be introduced even in the most compelling cases - as, for example, in the coal industry - despite the sympathy of many economists, `experts,' and politicians. Family policy would always be subordinated to the protection of the male family age.'
Business Strategies and the Family
`The Consortium Textile de Roubaix-Tourcoing and the Caisse de Compensation de la Region Parisienne (CCRP) confirm the central place of family allowances within the business strategies of the highly organized employers who set up the caisses. While the textile employers of Roubaix-Tourcoing attempted to use allowances to recruit and stabilize the labor force, the engineering and automobile employers in the Paris region saw allowances as a means of restraining wages during the boom years of the twenties. In the long run, however, the Parisian conception of allowances as a means of disaggregating a wage bill that otherwise had to allow for dependents needs proved far more susceptible to broader extension than the combative and illiberal policies of the textile employers.'
- Consortium
With Desire Ley as his henchman, `Eugene Mathon's Consortium tried to use family allowances to construct a highly illiberal labor control policy and to break the backs of the unions. Employers set allowances at a high level and then made their receipt conditional on uninterrupted presence in the factory, thus undermining the right to strike and consequently, union power.' `Family allowances thus served to make a portion of the worker's wage dependent not upon work performance, but simply on the continued and reliable presence of all adult or adolescent members of his or her family within the Consortium's factories.' `Consortium costs were easily recovered in the increased stability of the work force.'
The unrest as a result of the Consortium's astringent policy marked the turning point of state intervention leading to a 1933 agreement - `first collective contract signed in the textile industry' - and its subsequent direct supervision in 1933 by the ministry of labor. `Louis Loucheur's activism as minister of labor in the sphere of family policy was due in part to this frustration with the Consortium's intransigence and its rejecting of both collective bargaining and government arbitration. Loucherur declcared, "We do not want payment of family allowances to be conditional." `For families, however, state control made allowances a far more reliable source of income. Although the Consortium paid out less in allowances in 1938 than in 1930, the amount received per family and per child about doubled. , with families reeiving nearly the amount that would have been granted if allowances had been paid in full without any consideration of attendance at work.'
In sum, `the Consortium's real achievement was in forcing real wages steadily downward throughout the twenties. Insofar as workers maintained their standard of living, they did so by working more hours or by bringing more family members into Consortium firms.' `The Consortium's system untied the bonds of dependence and maintenance between young and old, women and men. High female employment combined with family allowances disaggregated the family as an economic unit. The Consortium created a miniature `welfare state.'
- Caisse de Compensation de la Region Parisienne
`CCRP was the creature of the employers' organizations; nevertheless, these links were not always clear.' `A number of the Metals Group's firms `convinced of the usefulness of the family allowance system as a means of moderating excessive wage demands.' 'The Paris caisse paid the allowance by statute to the mother, whether or not she was herself gainfully employed. Employers to some extent pitted the interest of the unwaged (especially unwaged wives) against those of the waged.' `The Social Services of the CCRP became famous as the model for home-based maternal and infant social work' and served the dual function to `investigate particular problems and to `police' families.' `When state intervention looked likely CCRP adopted a far more conciliatory position and sought to safeguard the central elements of their system: big business dominance, social work, and the parallel organization of industrial chambers and caisse sections.'
`Unlike the Consortium, the CCRP had used state intervention if anything to consolidate its position. It had absorbed the small businesses brought in by the 1932 law without granting them a significant voice in policy; its Social Services remained intact; and it retained close links between employers' organizations and the caisse.' `Massive strikes of May and June 1936 in the Paris engineering industry lead to the Matignon accords.' `Although wages in firms affiliated to the Metals Group rose by 68% between 1920 and 1929 while the cost of living rose by only 48%, productivity in the automobile industry quadrupled in the same period. Unlike the Consortium, the Metals Group could not hold wages below the cost-of-living increases, but this degree of wage restraint in a period of real industrial advance was a respectable achievement.'
Part III The Politics of State Intervention in the Thirties
`In Britain, the problem of working-class family poverty was quickly collapsed into the problem of the unemployed. The maintenance of the unemployed, through the insurance system if possible, and through public assistance (`the dole') when necessary, became the principal social concern of both Conservative and Labour governments. Although developments were uneven and piecemeal, British innovations did deepen a gender-based logic of social welfare. French politicians, by contrast left the relief of unemployed workers to the localities, concentrating instead on social supports for vulnerable children.'
Engendering the British Welfare State
`The conservative-dominated National Government, concentrated on subjecting all workers who had exhausted their benefit to humiliating tests of family resources. The new dependence of men that evoked the most sustained opposition, providing a basis of popular support for later wartime demands for full employment and comprehensive social insurance reform.'
- The anomalies regulations
`Unemployment Insurance Act of 1931 restricted access to benefit for particular classes of workers, especially married women. Make explicit the gender bias of the social insurance system, a bias that ultimately found expression in the Beveridgian welfare state.' `The anomalies regulations of the thirties stand as the strongest state endorsement of the male breadwinner norm in the interwar period.'
- The household means test
`From 12 November 1931, all those who had exhausted their covenanted beneft would receive their `transitional benefit' though the local Public Assistance Committees (PACs) and after a means test of the resources of the household.' `Means test distinguished the legitimate unemployed from the long-term unemployed. The imposition of the household means test converted what had been a rights-based converted what had been a rights-based benefits into a humiliating dole, and independent breadwinners into, in some case, dependents.'
- A new case for children's allowances
`Labor market inequalities, gendered social policies, and the normative ideal of the male breadwinner proved mutually reinforcing, turning sexually inegalitarian policies into `common sense'.' `The most convincing and widely supported case for family allowances was an antipoverty case, born of the controversies over the health and welfare of working-class families during a period of chronic unemployment.' `The proportion of children in poverty was far higher than the proportion of adults.' Wage-benefit overlap occurred when `children could be better off with a father out of work than with one employed.` `Family benefits may have been intended to compensate for the family wage, but social surveys during the thirties revealed that male wages were often nowhere near a `family' level.'
`Total war did inaugurate a new contract both among the political parties and between the government and the people. Comprehensive social services quickly became an accepted goal.' Key features of the Beveridge Plan include `working men remained the principal focus of the insurance system; the tasks of finding work and supporting wives were laced squarely on their shoulders, and those who refused employment wre again relegated to means-tested assistance.' `Beveridge thus made full employment - along with a national health service and family allowances - one of his three cardinal `assumptions'.' `With a policy of full employment, postwar governments made the fulfillment of the ideal of the male breadwinner possible.' `Upon marriage, a woman became a household worker, unpaid but supported, and that she therefore needed insurance against loss of both her capacity for housework and her maintenance by her husband... the woman contracted with her husband and had recourse to the public purse only when this first contract broke down.'
In conclusion, `Family allowances were acceptable not as an alternative to wages, but only when they were so whittled down - by the omission of the first child and their reduction to below-subsistence levels - to be assured of having no impact on wage levels at all. In such a form, they would relieve the most extreme manifestations of child poverty without undermining men's claims to the family wage or the paradigm of the male breadwinner and dependent wife.'
Distributive Justice and the Family
`French pornatalists were the only group of political actors in either France or Britain united primarily by conviction rather than by economic interest to have a significant influence on family policy.' Helmed by doctrinaire Fernand Boverat, the pronatalist group Alliance Nationale `developed a comprehensive policy platform based on a unique theory of citizenship and social organization.' `Pronatalists felt that whatever the distribution of income between classes, that between the childless and those with children must be equalized. Unlike their British counterparts, however, pronatalists were entirely uninterested in income redistribution across classes or sexes' - `an ideal of family-based redistribution relatively unencumbered by other political aims.' Pronatalists looked to the caises to fund their family programme. `The Alliance Nationale made the requirement of all employers to adhere to a caisse the main plank in its 1928 platform. These efforts helped to transform an industrial wage policy into a national family policy.'
`Family Allowance Law of 11 March 1932 reconciled business interests with pronatalists demands for a national family policy.' `Pronatalists replaced businessmen as the main innovators in the field of family policy. 388 Yet the claim that family allowances could be the tool of demographic renewal - an argument that businessmen had themselves done much to disseminate and promote... by playing the pronatalist card, modernizing businessmen made a case for the national importance, but also the national control, of their ostensibly philanthropic effort. Pronatalits were successful in forcing policy forward, but only in a direction already heavily determined by business interests.'
`In Britain, feminists supported benefits for mothers as a means of granting some measure of economic independence to women whose hope of earning wages was effectively nil; in France, by contrast, such measures were proposed as a means of inducing women to abjure the `individualistic' role of wage earning to devote themselves to their families.' `The argument that became taboo in the France of the thirties was not that women should be paid for motherhood - the taboo argument in Britain - but rather that motherhood might be a matter of choice.'
`Feminist historians have tended to see financial independence as the sine qua non of women's emancipation, but the history of French family policy leads us to question that assumption. The pronatalist rhetoric of childbearing as a patriotic duty and Catholic doctrines of the unity of the family were so powerful, so verbose, as to limit the liberating potential of any family policy. Politically marginal, still voteless, French women found themselves facing pronatalists willing to pay for babies but not willing to take no for an answer.'
Conclusion
Pedersen asserted that `there is no question but that the French system of family allowances has proven far more effective at safeguarding a decent standard of living than has the British pursuit of the elusive family wage.' `Family benefits remained a central feature of the French welfare state.' `French's system of family allowances: simple redistribution of the wage bill in accordance with family needs by Sequestering a portion of the general wage bill and paying it out only to workers with dependent children, thus effectively distributing the cost of children among the population.'
`But policies can react back on relations of authority and dependence in public and private, challenging or upholding particular social behaviors or choices. For men, the primary distinction between the unemployment insurance scheme and the assistance system to which they were relegated when their insurance period expired was that the former presumed they were the breadwinners of their families, while the latter stripped them of that status by requiring that the earnings of other family members be used to support them. Beveridge and other liberals found intolerable without regard for the hierarchies of sex and generation introducing policies to guarantee full employment.' `Yet complexity of debate did not necessarily lead to success.' `It was because gender relations were so deeply contested in Britain that proposals to aid children almost inevitably degenerated into rather unseemly battles between those representing the rival interests of mothers and fathers.' `The TUC may not have been able to force the introduction of policies it favored, but its presence did prevent employers from contemplating, and the state form sanctioning, social policies so antithetical to the old ideal of the man's responsibility to maintain.'
On the other hand, in France, `Employers successfully operated comprehensive and often coercive labor and wage policies through the medium of seemingly benevolent, family-centered social programs. This discovery confirms and extends recent revisionist claims concerning the vitality of French business in the interwar period.' `French pronatalists concluded that children should be seen in part as a collective charge, their welfare not made hostage to the concern either to promote particular domestic relations or to recruit and manage particular groups of workers. Unless one intends to visit the sins - or, in the case of poverty, the misfortunes - of the parents upon the children, a greater recognition of the claims of children forms a necessary pillar to any modern welfare state.'
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